Māori perceptions of the Police
September 1998

By Pania Te Whaiti & Dr Michael Roguski
He Pārekereke/ Victoria Link Ltd. September 1998

Summary and recommendations

Under the sponsorship of the New Zealand Police and Te Puni Kokiri (the client), He Parekereke undertook this research project with the aim of providing information which would enable the police to make organisational change that contributes toward an improved perception by Māori of the police. This report also provides information to enable Te Puni Kōkiri to provide policy advice that will enhance police relationship with Māori.

MĀORI ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE POLICE

The identification of a single set of Māori attitudes toward the police is not possible because participants expressed attitudes and perceptions that were at times location specific, hapū and whānau specific, or specific to the individual. However, on other occasions participants were unanimous in their perceptions and experiences with the police. The researchers feel that the strength of these shared understandings may be indicative of a generalised perception across the Māori population. In light of the commonalties and differences in experience between participants, we have recommended that the client consult widely with Māori communities to ascertain Māori perceptions, attitudes, experiences and satisfaction with the police on a national scale. We summarise here the attitudes and perceptions which participants generally appear united on. However, in so doing we do not intend to minimalise the serious concerns and perceptions which may be specific to particular groups (such as those expressed in relation to domestic violence for example) which must also be addressed. Therefore, we encourage the reader to study the report in its entirety before coming to any conclusions.

Participants were unanimous in their perception that the police institution is a racist institution that perpetuates strong anti-Māori attitudes. Participants related experiences to illustrate this including the continual stopping and questioning of Māori on the pretext of criminal suspicion when no crime has been committed, racist verbal abuse by the police that precede or accompany physical abuse and / or arrests, disrespect for tikanga Māori, and the minimalisation by the police of racist attacks on Māori. Closely aligned with this were participants' perceptions that the police harass Māori with the intent of provoking Māori into retaliation to justify subsequent arrests.

Participants perceive the police institution to be a self-validating, insular culture which new recruits are socialised to accept. Participants believe that the police purposely separate themselves from Māori communities, which results in the dislocation of Māori officers from Māori communities. This segregation from Māori communities is also perceived to be the cause of the subsequent loss of accountability to Māori communities on the part of the police. This is to the extent that Māori and female recruits have little choice but to uphold and internalise the norms of the culture if they wish to succeed in their careers. In so doing Māori officers and female officers are in some cases viewed as more offensive than other officers when they treat Māori in offensive and humiliating ways (such as beating or strip-searching of Māori suspects).

The prevailing negative experiences that participants have had with the police are seen by participants to be a direct result of negative attitudes on the part of police toward Māori. With negative attitudes existing on both sides, relationships between the two, though not thought to be particularly good now, are perceived to be disintegrating even further.

All groups identify a strong attitude of distrust toward the police. As a result the majority of participants stated that they would be hesitant in going to the police for assistance. The Tāmaki-nui-a-Rua pakeke focus group however were unanimously emphatic in stating that they would not, in any circumstance, go to the police for assistance if a crime were committed against them. This attitude extends to refusing to be of assistance to police in other areas. A number of participants stated that lack of accountability on the part of police with regard to police injustices against Māori, has strengthened their resolve to establish and utilise Māori services to address crimes and provide the support they perceive to be lacking in police services. In some cases distrust and lack of faith in the police to adequately serve Māori interests has led to Māori youth employing means of self-protection (e.g. gathering in groups and carrying weapons) which in turn has led to police responses which effectively label these youth as criminal.

This loss of faith is accompanied by a strong perception that the Police Complaints Authority is a body that serves to protect the police rather than to objectively judge complaints, particularly complaints brought by Māori.

VARIABLES

The variables presented here which influence participants' perceptions of and attitudes toward the police are many and varied although not exhaustive.

Participants argue that all interactions between themselves and the police are not simply determined by preconceived ideas or attitudes that they hold about the police but are also influenced by the ideas and attitudes that police hold about Māori. Perceptions and attitudes also result from the interaction in question which the situation and context often influences at the time.

Variables influencing police behaviour toward Māori

Variables that participants perceive as influencing police behaviour and attitudes toward Māori include: police perceptions of the participants' ethnicity, physical appearance, gender, class, associates, and whānau name. Other variables identified include: the situation in which the police have cause to interact with Māori, prevailing attitudes about Māori within the police institution (which includes a perception of Māori as criminal), prevailing attitudes about Māori within the community, percentage of Māori within the community population, and a belief on the part of the police in their own status as crime fighters.

More general variables include police lack of understanding of Māori, lack of understanding of Māori tikanga and beliefs, ignorance of the history of policing of Māori communities, and ignorance of the police role as a party to the Treaty of Waitangi.

Variables influencing Māori behaviour toward police

Variables which effect participants' perceptions of and attitudes toward the police include: participants knowledge and understanding of the history of policing as it impacted on iwi, previous experience or whānau experience with the police, the perceived role of the police within the criminal justice system, and police response to crimes committed against them.

Other variables identified which effect the way that participants relate to individual officers are: the age of the officer, the officer's ethnicity and gender, the officer's treatment of participants and their whānau, and the officer's knowledge and respect for cultural norms. Finally, the prevailing attitudes toward the police within Māori communities, which are partly developed as a result of high police presence within Māori communities, also effected participants' perceptions of the police.

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PERCEPTIONS AND SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC FACTORS OF MĀORI

It should be noted from the outset that negative perceptions and attitudes toward the police prevailed across all groups regardless of age, income, educational level, gender, and geographical locations. It should also be noted that the relationship between the variables stated above and attitudes, perceptions and understanding on the part of Māori and police are not always causal. For example, the type of contact discussed in this study included participants as suspects, victims of crime, support workers, or as a member of the public who belongs to none of the aforementioned categories. Contact with the police under any of these circumstances did not appear to produce significantly different perceptions of or attitudes toward the police. Participants' attitudes and perceptions of the police remained negative. Some participants perceived the police approach in any situation with any Māori person to be the same (i.e. with the attitude that Māori are criminal and that the police have to take control). Some participants stated that the fact that they may be in occupations that the public perceives to be 'respectable' (e.g. as a psychologist, solicitor, social worker or teacher) did not positively influence the way that police treated them. To the contrary, it was sometimes asserted that having those occupations meant that police attitude toward them worsened, particularly if participants challenged police behaviour.

This should be put alongside the experiences of those whose employment status or personal relationships may deem them to be less deserving of respect by the police. For example youth, beneficiaries, those associated to gang members, and those in the sex work industry.

The participants state that the police ascribed status of them meant that they did not receive the service they deserved and that they were subject to police harassment. Due to a lack of an adequate support system or resources, they appeared, from their statements, to be more vulnerable to police abuse of power than other participants and less likely to complain.

Perhaps the strongest determinant of Māori perceptions of and attitude toward the police is previous personal or whānau experience with the police. The impressions, which these interactions leave behind, influence whānau in all dimensions (i.e. between and across generations). For example, due to the treatment that a rangatahi may receive, older generations, younger generations, and whānau within the same generation are effected and influenced by it. If that interaction was good or bad, it is noted and remembered. The influence that interaction has on whānau was brought home by many pakeke whose perceptions had changed from being generally positive to distrust, disappointment, and anger as a result of the experiences that their tamariki and mokopuna received at the hands of the police.

There was a general perception that older officers ( i.e. 30 years and over) were more approachable and had more life and communication skills. Such skills were identified by many participants as being more important than educational qualifications, gender, or ethnicity in terms of improving police interactions with Māori. Positive experiences were more often attributed to the age of the officer. Older officers were perceived to have more confidence and skill to deal with a range of situations.

With regard to location, this report identifies Tāmaki-nui-a-Rua (Dannevirke) and Ōtepoti (Dunedin)[Te Taura Whiri i te Reo Māori (1997)] as experiencing other problems related to their locations. Particpants in Tāmaki-nui-a-Rua believed that as a small rural location they were dependent on the decisions of police management and to the policing tactics and behaviours of the neighbouring police station in Te Papaioea (Palmerston North)[Te Taura Whiri i te Reo Māori (1997)]. Ōtepoti on the other hand contend that the per-capita population of Māori combined with the prevailing negative public attitude to Māori and the history of policing in Ōtepoti means that they are subjected to police harassment and abuse and receive inadequate police responses to racial attacks.

Participants conclude that situations in each location are related to the police perception of them as Māori and as a minority group. All groups interpret police behaviour and attitude toward them to be an expression of the racism inherent within the police institution which influences police perceptions of them as Māori.

With regard to gender, the additional problems that women and transgendered participants identified are their experiences of strip-searching, sexual coercion and sexual molestation. Although men stated that they had been strip-searched with the perceived aim of humiliation, their statements were not as detailed as the womens'. That is to say, it was women and transgendered participants, rather than men, who provided detailed descriptions of these experiences and the resultant feelings of humiliation and shame. No men identified as having been subject to sexual coercion or molestation.

Women also dominated the discussions around police responses to domestic violence situations and no positive perceptions of or attitude toward the police in these situations were volunteered.

A final concern is the fact that women and men alike volunteered discussions concerning police beatings. No difference in frequency or severity of beatings was obvious between the genders.

The history of policing of iwi was volunteered in all groups as one explanation as to how police perceive and behave toward Māori today. Participants saw the current police institution, it's personnel, policies, attitudes and behaviour toward Māori as a direct outcome of the historical relationship between police and Māori. There was a general perception that the police in today's context fulfills the same role vis-a-vis Māori as they did last century (i.e. as a systemically colonising institution which perpetuates racist and dehumanising attitudes and behaviour toward Māori). This belief gave rise to expectations that police will treat Māori badly unless given good reason not to. Consequently participants were prepared for interactions between themselves and the police to be mostly negative.

RECOMMENDATIONS

Grievances are caused every day. Some for example can be social, economic and constitutional and cannot be settled in the same way as other grievances that Māori have with the Crown (e.g. Treaty land claim settlements). Despite the legal provisions available, grievances caused by the police against Māori often appear to go unheeded and unresolved. It is acknowledged however that none of the grievances have simple solutions.

The New Zealand Police has two choices, they could deny that grievances exist or they can acknowledge Māori assertions that they occur. Addressing these grievances will involve acknowledging Māori experiences of police brutality, sexual harassment, and sexual coercion. The fact that these experiences occur in situations that severely limit the victim's power to prosecute means the police can deny their existence. It also means that the Police Complaints Authority is not aware of the transgressions that occur. However, denial would allow them to continue unabated and is likely to extinguish any remaining goodwill that many Māori people have toward the police.

Eliminating these injustices is obviously something the client needs to do but it will not be a straightforward process. In the first instance, government policy developed in Wellington in response to these issues will not have legitimacy in other regions without consultation with Māori communities in other locales. For this reason, we recommend the following:

Recommendation

• That New Zealand Police and Te Puni Kokiri undertake a wide consultation process with Māori communities to hear Māori grievances regarding police practices (see p15, p 35, and p63);
• That an independent and autonomous review panel is established to examine the relationship, both past and present, between the police and Māori based on the police role as a crown agency and party to the Treaty of Waitangi (see p 63);
• That the review panel includes Māori members selected by hapū and according to Māori processes;
• That the Māori members have equal authority to non-Māori members;
• That the review process guarantee confidentiality to all Māori participants;
• That such a review precede further policy development in relation to Urupare Whitiki (see p 63); and
• That such review precedes development of new training initiatives (see p 61 and p 63).

Many participants perceive that there are serious grievances arising as a result of the implementation of current laws and regulations. The two main examples of this are the laws and regulations relating to strip searching and those designed to protect victims of crime particularly in domestic violence situations.

Many of the strip searches referred to were carried out under circumstances which rendered them unjust and possibly illegal (see pp.37-38). In light of this, we recommend that following:

Recommendation

• That police powers to conduct strip searches are urgently reviewed (see pp.37- 38);
• That police officers are required to secure a warrant prior to conducting all strip searches; and
• That officers ensure that no strip searches are conducted on Māori suspects without the presence of a support person of the suspect's choosing.

Another situation that has been highlighted refers to police attitude and behaviour in situations for which laws exist to protect victims of crime. Domestic violence situations discussed in this report highlighted participants' perception that the police do not have adequate knowledge and experience to support Māori women in long-term violent relationships or Māori women in violent relationships with gang associates. The participants stated that the police appear to choose how they should behave based on a (hidden) police agenda and attitude toward the women and their partners.

In these situations, the law is not offering adequate and appropriate protection to Māori women. Therefore we recommend the following:

Recommendation

• That the police urgently establish a consultation process with Māori women support workers in the area of domestic violence with a view to developing alternative, appropriate and safe responses specifically for Māori women in long-term violent relationships and Māori women in relationships with gang associates (see p 48).

Perceptions of the Police Complaints Authority and the vulnerability of Māori people in situations warranting a complaint against the police demand that another process for hearing Māori grievances be undertaken immediately. Participants have stated that, due to negative experiences with the police, they perceive that the Police Complaints Authority would be self-protecting and biased in favour of the police should Māori bring a complaint against the institution or individuals within it.

Recommendation

• That the client support the development of an independent authority to address complaints by Māori against the police (see p 55); and
• That members of the new authority be independent of the police institution.

Acceptance of the 'by Māori for Māori' concept of justice systems and support service provision across several sectors of government has risen recently. This together with participants' lack of faith in police to serve Māori interests adequately has encouraged them to establish and utilise their own formal and informal networks to address crimes committed against them and to receive support in difficult situations. Therefore we recommend the following:

Recommendation

• That the client supports the further development of alternative justice and support systems to address criminal offences against Māori (see p41 and p64).

This research indicates that Māori youth may begin to form their opinions about the police as young as pre-school age. Often these opinions are formed through observation of police interaction with whānau and friends, through the retelling of those interactions by whānau, through media and through their own personal experiences. Many personal interactions appear to occur when they reach their teens. However, some participants believe that the predominant attitudes toward the police have already been formed in their pre-teen years.

Participants consider that these attitudes are strongly dependent on whether or not the police have had cause to interact with their loved ones and includes the way the police treated the young person and those close to them. Perceptions and attitudes of young Māori are also dependent on the attitudes prevalent in their communities and whānau. The police are encouraged to be aware that their behaviour toward Māori, in whatever capacity and for whatever reason, effects all those who observe it or who are intimately connected with the person involved. We therefore recommend the following:

Recommendation

• That the police establish a Māori youth strategy in consultation with Māori youth and Māori people who work with them;
• That such a strategy responds to their concerns and informs Māori youth as to their legal rights should they become involved with the police; and
• That the strategy is integrated with other support services to better respond to their diverse needs (see p 53).

Finally, the police institution is perceived to be segregated from Māori communities and local iwi. This may be a contributing factor to the perception that Māori officers can be more offensive than their colleagues. Participants note with regret that the police in general, but Māori officers in particular, are not supported to develop closer links and accountability measures with iwi and Māori community groups. We therefore recommend the following:

Recommendation

• That Urupare Whītiki includes a strategy to support the police in general and Māori officers in particular to develop closer links and accountability measures with local iwi and Māori community groups (see p57 and p58).

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Table of contents

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
    MĀORI ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE POLICE
    VARIABLES
    Variables influencing police behaviour toward Māori
    Variables influencing Māori behaviour toward police
    THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PERCEPTIONS AND SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC FACTORS OF MĀORI
    RECOMMENDATIONS
INTRODUCTION
    WHAT THE CLIENT WANTED: THE RESEARCH QUESTION
    Objectives
METHOD
    FACILITATION
    SELECTION
    Māori Voice: Whanaungatanga
    QUESTIONS
    THEMES
    TIKANGA MĀORI VS NON-MĀORI RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
    Te Mana o Ngā Pakeke
    CONTEXTUALISING GEOGRAPHICAL AREAS
    Tāmaki-Nui-a-Rua
    Ōtepoti
    Tāmaki-Makau-Rau, Te Whanga-nui-a-Tara
    DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE
    Employment Status and Community Services Card
    Educational Levels
    Type of Police Contact
    INTERPRETING THE DEMOGRAPHICS
    Male vs. Female Participants
    Victims of Crime
LITERATURE REVIEW
    PAST
    Māori in the Police Force
    Police Sub-Culture
RESULTS
    OVERVIEW
EXPERIENCES AS A SUSPECT
    TARGETING OF MĀORI
    Differential Treatment Based on Skin Colour
    USE OF POLICE DISCRETIONARY POWER
    Strip-Searching
    Sexual Harassment and Sexual Coercion
EXPERIENCES AS A VICTIM OF CRIME
    RACIAL VIOLENCE: ŌTEPOTI
    DOMESTIC VIOLENCE
    SEX WORKERS AS VICTIMS OF CRIME
MĀORI YOU
COMPLAINTS AGAINST THE POLICE
WHAT WORKS BEST
    YOUNG COPS: OLDER COPS
    MĀORI COPS
    Relationships with iwi and Māori community groups
    Rural and urban communities
    WHERE TO FROM HERE
    Educating for Change
    RELATIONSHIPS WITH IWI
CONCLUSION
REFERENCES
    Ōtepoti
    Tāmaki-Nui-a-Rua
APPENDIX ONE
    METHODOLOGICAL DILEMMAS
    SELECTION
    Prison Inmates
    Tāmaki-nui-a-Rua
    Pakeke
    Domestic Violence
    Mental Health Consumers
    Sex Workers
    Rangatahi
    Structural Overview
    CONFIDENTIALITY OF DATA
APPENDIX
    FOCUS GROUP INTERVIEW SCHEDULE
    DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE

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• Māori perceptions of the Police, September 1998
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See also Police Perceptions of Māori, March 1998.